President Evo Morales of the Plurinationational State of Bolivia is seeking reelection this October 2019 under the Movement for Socialism (MAS). He is being challenged by Carlos Mesa of The Civic Community, Óscar Ortiz Antelo of the Democrat Social Movement, and Jaime Paz Zamora of the Christian Democratic Party.
The 2019 presidential race is the third reelection bid of Morales. He was first elected in 2006, and reelected in 2009 and 2014.
For this year’s election, the strongest challenger of Morales is Mesa. The two are statistically tied at 32% based on the January 2019 survey of Mercados y Muestras. Mesa’s support, however, declined to 23.6% this July based on the report of Captura Consulting. The case is otherwise with the incumbent whose voting preference surged to 38.4% in the same period.
A host of new faces and parties are adding uncertainty to this year’s presidential race.
Two men from the same political coalition have governed Uruguay since 2005. But with the Oct. 27 presidential election approaching, the country is seeing a rare shake-up of its usually staid and predictable politics.
In fact, new faces and parties are challenging traditional stalwarts and the established political order. That includes the recent resurgence of the once-dominant Colorado Party with the primary victory of outsider Ernesto Talvi, as well as the emergence of a right-wing nationalist party and the ruling coalition’s choice of a little-known city councilmember as its vice presidential nominee.
The 2019 Guatemala Presidential Elections is an uphill battle for former First Lady, Sandra Torres. Torres who is running under the National Unity of Hope (UNE) Party generated 33.4% of the votes cast during the first round of the presidential elections last June 16, 2019 but only climbed 7.56% based on the pre-runoff polls conducted by the CID Gallup for Fundación Libertad y Desarrollo.
The pre-runoff polls was conducted last July 9-14 with a sample size of 1,204 and a ± 2.8% margin of error.
WASHINGTON – While populism is rising across the world, Japan has so far been immune to it. There is no Japanese equivalent to French politician Marine Le Pen, U.S. President Donald Trump or Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte. This, however, seems to be changing after the Upper House election on July 21, in which a new left-wing, anti-establishment party made big strides. What is happening to Japan’s “firewall against populism”?
Scholars attribute the firewall to the lack of ethnic or economic cleavages that populist leaders can exploit to build an anti-immigration or class-based platform. Despite measures to increase foreign workers, Japan remains a homogeneous nation, with resident foreigners only accounting for 1.76 percent of its population. Japanese society is also egalitarian, without high income inequality as in the United States and elsewhere. And the country has seen a steady economic recovery since Prime Minister Shinzo Abe took office in 2012, with an unemployment rate at historic low 2.3 percent.
Against this backdrop, the Liberal Democratic Party and its coalition partners won almost a supermajority in the Upper House by touting the success of Abe’s economic policies known as Abenomics.
Last Sunday, Servant of the People, the parliamentary party of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, swept the elections, gaining 254 out of a possible 424 seats. This represents one of the largest parliamentary majorities ever, but with another record low turnout of less than half of potential voters.
This is not surprising, since no left-wing candidates ran, given the past several years of state repression against them, particularly the Communist Party of Ukraine. Another factor is that many more voters are working overseas due to Ukraine’s weak economic situation, even relative to poor Eastern Europe, among whom Ukraine is now the poorest country, with the GDP per capita now lower than Moldova.
Poroshenko’s bloc – renamed after May’s presidential defeat to “European Solidarity”, based on his promise to get Ukrainian closer to EU membership – won only 26 seats from 132 in 2014 (total votes down from 3.4 million to just over 1 million). This again confirms the hatred the Ukrainian people had for his government, as expressed in opinion polls. Even the majorities in his strongholds in the western districts during the presidentials almost all evaporated, although this is still where he got most of his support.
Dave Abuel | ABS-CBN Investigative and Research Group
As the 18th Congress opens, at least 20 political families in the House of Representatives will be sitting together as husbands and wives; parents and children; siblings; cousins; uncles; aunts and in-laws.
The political families who will occupy the most number of seats in the lower chamber are the Suarezes of Quezon and the Dys of Isabela. They have 3 seats each.
Dr. Ronald Mendoza, dean of the Ateneo de Manila School of Government, said having relatives sitting together in Congress may lead to the “rapid erosion” of independence and credibility of Congress.
In Indian politics, there are no strange bedfellows. In the 2014
elections, Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and Akhilesh Yadav’s Samajwadi
Party (SP) were on the opposite side. For 2019, they joined alliance to
challenge the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) which controls Saharanpur,
Kairana, Muzaffarnagar, Bijnor, Meerut, Baghpat, Ghaziabad and Gautam Buddh
The SP and BSP is joined by Ajit Singh’s Rashtriya Lok Dal to
contest 78 of 80 Lok Sabha in the first of the seven-phase voting. The first
phase starts April 11, 2019 and will end on May 19, 2019 with the counting of
votes and the declaration of results on May 23.
The Lok Sabha, also known as the House of the People, is the
Lower House of the bicameral Indian Parliament. The members of the Lok Sabha
are elected every five years or until the body is dissolved by the President on
the advice of the council of ministers. The maximum seats allocated by the
Indian Constitution is 552.